The Origin of the Heuerling System
The Heuerling System had its historical beginnings in the 16th and 17th
The specific factor which prompted it can be found in the existing rights of inheritance, such as it prevailed in our region through the ages, making the oldest son the sole heir. The younger sons were due a "Child's portion".
Of course, a younger son conceivably could acquire his own Courtyard through a suitable "In-Marriage". Additionally, common lands (within an Estate) which until now had lain fallow were now put under cultivation and new, basic, primitive, living quarters erected. Mostly, though the reality seemed different. Many of the younger sons faced a dismal future as subservient co-workers on the older brother's estate. Not all accepted this fate gladly. Sometimes one in this position would take permanent leave of their family and villagers and headed for work in the city; some enlisted in the military to make that a career.
The period of religious upheaval, following the Reformation, and the Thirty Year War served to make substantial changes in the village social structure. Perhaps as a result of these unsettled times the younger farmers' sons often would not accept their fate without some protest. They made an effort to lead an independent life style.
At the same time the farmers themselves were among the hardest hit populace
following the war. Their lands had been devastated, their cattle
stolen, their homes plundered. The demands for tax revenues on part
of the Sovereign to be extracted from the farmers rose constantly, and
with that, the indebtedness of the farmers. Faced with adversity,
the possibility of a fixed income from farm lease arrangements, and the
discontinuance of the burdensome inheritance taxe, held a certain appeal.
The introduction of the Heuerleute system could alleviate the problems
of both sides, the farmers as well as the departing farm sons. The
farmer would make a portion of his land available, for which he could expect
a suitable fee, with a number of hands available to assist in his operations.
The term "Heuer Mann" well describes the relationship as the Platt Deutsch "Heuer" or "Hür" implies lease or rent.
Living Conditions of the "Heuer-Mann"
The Heuerleute would receive from the farmer a piece of land,
grazing rights on the "common land" and living quarters.
These living quarters, furnished and maintained by the farmer, were in
the beginning -and were for a long time-- exceedingly primitive.
One would select an outhouse, such as barns, stables or baking hut, made
minimal changes to convert for human habitation. Even the later Heuer Houses,
usually constructed to house two families, were invariably narrow
and offered few amenities. An idea of this type facility can be obtained
from a report of the Holdorf Estate as issued by the responsible
Office in the year 1845:
"Housing for the Heuerleute is generally of flimsy construction and deficient in numerous respects. The mud walls, doors and roof, in general, are not tightly sealed, offering no protection from drafts and cold air, windows which can be opened usually are missing altogether, which causes lack of circulation., which is more necessary here, as the alcoves in the living quarters (set-backs recessed into tbe walls) provide the sleeping quarters for the entire family. Chimneys on this type of a building are unthinkable; most are lacking in a water well, forcing the inhabitants to fetch water from a cistern in poor condition, or with enormous difficulties from a well at a great distance".
As modest as the shelters were for the Heuerleute, their living conditions
were similarly wanting. On the tiny strip of arable land, allotted
to him, grain was planted. The soil in Holdorf in the best years
was barely adequate to feed a 4-member family. A yield beyond that.,
that is to offer for sale, was at best a wish. Planting potatoes
came into play in the 18th century, but gained rapid acceptance thereafter.
A family's menu could be enriched by vegetables grown in one's own garden.
A meat diet among the Heuerleute was a rare event, and it certainly was
not a given among the farmers in general.
Even among those of the Heuerleute who understood how to augment their income through one or another form of activity, their basic income remained whatever their strip of land would bring forth. This included one or two cows, who served also as beasts of burden. Until the common grounds were subdivided the cows would graze on the communal meadow. Since the Heuerleute were ignored when it care to suddividing land, they would have to settle for strips of grass along ditches and roads, where the Heuerleute; children would attend to the animals.
To the one or two cows would be added a feederpig, a few geese and chicken, who could be sold. The cattle was the most significant possession of the Heuermann. The cows in particular were the most prized and treated with s pecial care. The Heuerleute often developed special skills in treating sick animals, utilizing time proven home remedies, so that the farmers would use their expertise.
The Heuermann would treat his allotted soil with great respect and care.
The greatly limited acreage allowed no wasted space. At all times
watchful, keeping weeds under control, harvesting the limited produce,
in all these aspects the Heuermann would be more meticulous than the farmer.
It should be mentioned as an aside that the Heuerleute were abused to an
extraordinary degree by the farmers in their farming duties. To begin
with, the strip of land assigned to the Heuermann was the least productive,
and when after investing great effort and much sweat to increase its yield,
the farmer would often withdraw this strip and reassig another, infertile,
Many of the chores incurred in the Heuer operations would rest on the shoulders of the housewife and children as the husband's duties would call him away. The obligatory aspects of the Heuer relationship toward the farmer were the principal burden on the Heuermann. Whenever the farmer summoned the Heuermann the latter would be obligated to drop the task at hand and report for duty. Naturally, these summons would occur most frequently during, times of high labor intensity, such as hay and grain harvesting, flax "drawing" and manure spreading. This impacted on the Heuer operations which had to be deferred to the late evening and early morning hours. As a result the Heuermann's produce was likely to be moist or imature. The extent of the Heuermann's specific duties were not comitted to paper and were subject to the whims of the farmer.
As a rule of thumb one could use Heinrich Bockhorst's estimate
for the Dinklage community: 160 to 180 days per year for the average
Heuermann. This should give the reader an idea of the extraordinary extent
of the assistance expected from the Heuermann.
It should be noted that in some cases the farmer would come to the help of the Heuernann at hartest time. He would make available beasts of burden und wagons, as needed. In many cases relationships covered several generations and mutual consideration would govern. Much depended on the person of the individual farmer, his attitude toward the Heuerleute and the extent of his goodwill.
The Evolution of the Heuerling System
From a small beginning the Heuerling System expanded more and more, and particularly in the 18th Century, developed a spectacular growth dynamic. From a listing prepared in the year 1835 for the Holdorf Parish we learn that the 98 Farmers, consisting of
38 Colon (Colonus - husbandman., inferior tenant employed in cultivating
the lord's land)
33 Kötter (- Cottager - one occupying primitive housing, belonging to another)
27 Häusler (Cottager, landless labourer)
were shown as opposite 287 Heuerleute families. If one counts the 44 employed (in some outside activity) as among the farmers, we obtain a ratio of the farmer to each two Heuerleute.
The growth of the Community is attributable to the rise in the number of the Heuerleute. At the end. of the 30-Year War Holdorf counted 470 inhabitant (1649). 180 years later (in 1828) this number nearly quintupled, having risen to 2334 souls. Certainly, the Heuerling System enabled these many people to provide for their own livelyhood, yet the economic basis continued to shrink with this population growth. For this reason it was beneficial when in the17th and 18th Centuries new possibilities for augmentation arose, which would guarantee supplementary income for the Heuerleute. The first such activity was the weaving of linen fabric, which could engage all family members. The second important source of side income was the trek to Holland, to work in the farmfields there or to cut peat moss. With the proceeds of earnings in Holland many of the Heuerleute were enabled to acquire a Heuerling spot of their own.
At the same time the farmers were able to profit from the increased funds flowing into the community, as with the increased demand for Heuerling spots they could demand more favorable terms for themselves. The (average) farmer enlarged the number of Heuerstellen from one at the beginning to five, and even to seven. Early in the 19th Century the Heuerling system experienced a temporary crisis, due to the disappearance of the side income. True, the trek to Holland remained a factor through the end of the last Century, but its attractiveness had vanished. The Heuerleute suffered greatly with the drying up of this source of income, in part because the English-produced cotton textile items had impacted on the linen (flax) production. All these vere factors bearing on a crisis oriented farming economy. The tendency was to put the farmers' burden on the back of the Heuerleute with increased demands. This hopeless situation of the Heuerleute was an important factor in prompting them to look for emigration to America.
In the second half of the Century the situation eased somewhat. By this time the prices in the lease arrangements dropped some, as the farmers feared that the Heuerleute might disappear altogether. "The more empty the Heuer houses became, the more of them disappeared., the greater the need for the farmer to hire more and lease more, in order to secure help he needed to run his own operation". (In quotation marks - source Ref. 8, Herrmann Rothert, Kreis Bersenbrück.)
The Heuerleute understood to widen their own operations in order to
increase their revenue. Aside from increasing planted acreage, they
intensified cattle raising, added a pig or two for forced feeding.
Some found employment in som Northern German public sector developments.
The Hochmoore was opened for exploitation, forests were planted., streets
and roads begun anew or extended.
In the villages opportunities arose for craftsmen; industries were developed with attractive wages. Early on the Heuer activity was predominant, but this gradually changed, so that the side job became the chief source of income. The Heuerling system was clearly in decline. The process of dissolution intensified between the World Wars, as the Northern Sections (Emsland and Saterland) and the Eastern Sections (Posen and West Prussia) developed more intensive agricultural processes. Quite a number of the Heuerleute took advantage of the possibility of acquiring their own farmstead and departed from the Heuerstelle at home.
Nevertheless the basic Heuerleute system prevailed until well after the end of World War II. In the year 1960 the Heuer Mann received 2.50 DM as a days wage, while the craftman demanded 10.00 DM per hour. The handwriting on the wall was clear: The system was totally out of date. An anachronism of a special sort prevailed here, when the Heuermann would compare his own situation with that of the farmer, noting the vast difference in standard of living. Obviously, they were no longer compatible in terms of a modern social and agricullural policy as envisioned by the EWG (Europäische Wirtschafts Gemeinschaft) (In English : EEC European Economic Coinmunity)
Thus, in the 1960,s the Heuerling system in short order and with finality went out of existence. Today it is a subject of historical importance in the villages, and brings back memories, quite alive among some.
Linen Weaving as Side Income for the Heuerleute
Flax., and the linen fibres produced from it, were familiar from olden
times among farmers and Heuerleute. Linen items, safely stored in hopechests
and afmoires were a reflection of a farm family's status. These items were
not meant for sale, but the aim was to en-large the collection., and hopefully
have sow available for dowry for the family's daughters. This did not apply
at the Heuermann, where linen products were chiefly created for sale, as
the yield was sorely needed to cover a bare existence. All family
members, especially during the long winter months, were expected to pitch
in: The husband would operate the loom; the wife, the elders and the children
sat at the spinning wheel. Planting the flax seed, insofar as this was
possible, would be done on one's own soil. The tiny allotted strip
was generally insufficient, nor was one's soil necessarily suitable for
flax cultivation. In the writings of Johann Theodor Moormann of
Fladderlohausen we find confirmation of this situation. Evidently,
there was little or no flax in Fladderlohausen. One would have to obtain
flax from Ihorst or Langwege, where nearly all Heuerleute and some
cottagers would sow such for pay.
Just as the planting of flax was important, so was the sale of thc finished linen articles. Now we would learn what price can be obtained for all of this effort. The finished linen product would be brought to the Linen Market, called "Legge", and offered for sale. Articles produced in Holdorf were brought either to Damme or Neuenkirchen Legge, which were the chief markets. Others would use pushcarts to carry their merchandise to Bramsche, where there were more buyers and the projected sale price was expected to be higher. The first step now was to present the linen goods to the Legge Master, who would measure and classify them, and added a stamp of approval. Now selling could proceed.
Osnabrück linen, which included items made in Damme, Neuenkirchen and Bramsche, in earlier years enjoyed a world-wide reputation. Due to its exceptional quality it had become an item for Export, which was frequently shipped to overseas colonies of Holland, Spain and Great Britain; it no doubt contributed in large measure to the prosperity of Osnabrück, wich served as the center of this trade.
The Heuerleute System in Holdorf, according to Early Sources
The earliest indication of the Heuerleute in Holdorf come from the Register for Estimated Persons of the Vörden Office in the year 1601, and from the same office in the year 1649. The latter indicated 49 Heuerleute families for the Osnabrück jurisdiction. They are not cited by name, simply identified by the Estate name (Hof). In some cases the term "Hür" identifies them as such.
In general entries use such terms as:
"In the barn a man., a woman", "In the Leibzucht: A man, his wife."
(Leibzucht., apparently another barnyard structure, not clearly identified)
The fact that more detailed description is lacking suggests that the system was then in its earliest stages and a standard for the Heuerleute had not yet been established.
To clarify we use two examples from the 1649 Register (terms are in Latin)
filius, filia Son., daughter
Leibzucht 2 Mans 2 men
2 Frauwens 2 women
1 Dochter 1 daughter
b. Lampe-Gösslingk Lampe-Gösslingk
Leibzucht Cinder vom Erbe Children of the Estate
ein Dochtor soror A daughter Sister
In the barn ein Man one man
The Leibzucht (see note) building on the Lampe-Gössling Estate at this particular time was occupied by family members of the farmer, namely a daughter and a sister. Therefore, the Heuermann and his wife were quartered in the barn. On the Johanningk Estate the "Leibzucht" building, was no longer needed for family members; therefore other persons, presumably two Heuerleute families could be quartered there.
The practice to convert the "Leibzucht" building into a structure for
Heuerleute, according to the Register, was apparently widespread.
Less frequently terms, such as these, appear:
"Adjoining house" (By-Ilouse), "In the small house", "In the sheepfold"
"On the floor", "in the house (along with others)"
These expressions changed with the growing Heuerleute population.
In the membership roster of Communicants in 1705, which lists 133 Heuerlings families, mention is made of the stressed shelter situation. The already crowded dwellings would have to be expanded for additional occupants, and additional structures would have to be convered for living quarters.
The situation in the previously mentioned Estates, as of 1705 was as
a. Johanning 5 Communicants 3 Children
Its "Leibzucht" 5 Communicants 4 Children
Its "By-House 2 Communicants 2 Children
1 Child 1 Evangelical
Its "Leibzucht" 6 Commnicants 3 Children 1 Evangelical
Its "Barn" 3 Communicants 2 Children
On the Johanning Estate in the meantime an additional building
had been erectdd, which houses a Heuerling family. The data concerning
the "Leibzucht" structure is not clear. Possibly, there are, as before,
two families of Heuerleute; on the other hand, it could mean that there
are now several generations of Heuerleute of the same family. A similar
situation prevailed in the "Leibzucht" structure of Farmer Wille-Gössling,
who is identical to the Lampe-Gössling of the membership roster.
One thing seems certain: The building was no longer used as shelter for
adults; as then certainly there would not be three children of below-Communicant
age sheltered there.
The Membership roster gives us an exzellent overview of how the Heuerleute system grew in the preceding 50 years, broadening its base. In the beginning it was limited to the larger Estates. Now there was hardly a farmer who had no Heuerleute on his premises. Thus, it is not surprising that the Heuerleute accounted for the population majority in the village at that point in time.