Clause one is a "vesting clause," similar to other clauses in Articles One and Three, but it vests the power to execute the instructions of Congress, which has the exclusive power to make laws; "To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof."
Under the U.S. Constitution the President and Vice President are chosen by
, under a constitutional grant of authority delegated to the legislatures of the several states and the District of Columbia (see
Bush v. Gore
). The constitution reserves the choice of the precise manner for creating Electors to the will of the state legislatures. It does not define or delimit what process a state legislature may use to create its
college of Electors. In practice, the state legislatures have generally chosen to create Electors through an indirect popular vote, since the 1820s.
In an indirect popular vote, it is the names of the electors who are on the ballot to be elected. Typically, their names are aligned under the name of the candidate for President and Vice President, that they, the Elector, have pledged they will support. It is fully understood by the voters and the Electors themselves that they are the representative "stand-ins" for the individuals to whom they have pledged to cast their electoral college ballots to be President and Vice President. In some states, in past years, this pledge was informal, and Electors could still legally cast their electoral ballot for whomever they chose. More recently, state legislatures have mandated in law that Electors
cast their electoral college ballot for the Presidential Candidate to whom they are pledged. The constitutionality of such mandates is uncertain.
Each state chooses as many Electors as it has Representatives and Senators representing it in Congress. Under the
District of Columbia
may choose no more electors than the state with the lowest number of electoral votes. No Senators, Representatives or federal officers may become Electors.
In modern practice, each state chooses its electors in popular elections. Once chosen, the electors meet in their respective states to cast ballots for the President and Vice President. Originally, each elector cast two votes for President; at least one of the individuals voted for had to be from a state different from the elector's. The individual with the majority of votes became President, and the runner-up became Vice President. In case of a tie, the House of Representatives could choose one of the tied candidates; if no person received a majority, then the House could again choose one of the five with the greatest number of votes. When the House voted, each state delegation cast one vote, and the vote of a majority of states was necessary to choose a President. If second-place candidates were tied, then the Senate broke the tie. A quorum of two-thirds applied in both Houses: at least one member from each of two-thirds of the states in the House of Representatives, and at least two-thirds of the Senators in the Senate. This procedure was followed in 1801 after the electoral vote produced a tie, and nearly resulted in a
deadlock in the House
introduced a number of important changes to the procedure. Now, Electors do not cast two votes for President; rather, they cast one vote for President and another for Vice President. In case no Presidential candidate receives a majority, the House chooses from the top three (not five, as with Vice Presidential candidates). The Amendment also requires the Senate to choose the Vice President from those with the two highest figures if no Vice Presidential candidate receives a majority of electoral votes (rather than only if there's a tie for second for President). It also stipulates that to be the Vice President, a person must be qualified to be the President.
Congress sets a national
. Currently, Electors are chosen on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, in the year before the President's term is to expire. The Electors cast their votes on the Monday following the second Wednesday in December of that year. Thereafter, the votes are opened and counted by the Vice President, as
President of the Senate
, in a
joint session of Congress
Section 1 of Article Two of the United States Constitution sets forth the eligibility requirements for serving as president of the United States:
By the time of their
, the President and Vice President must be:
- natural born citizens
- at least 35 years old
- inhabitants of the United States for at least fourteen years.
Eligibility for holding the office of President and Vice-President were modified by subsequent amendments:
(1804) requires the Vice-President must meet all of the qualifications of being a President.
(1951) prevents a President from being elected more than twice.
The wording of this clause caused much controversy at the time it was first used. When
William Henry Harrison
died in office, a debate arose over whether the Vice President would become President, or if he would just inherit the powers, thus becoming an Acting President. Harrison's Vice President, John Tyler
, believed that he had the right to become President. However, many Senators argued that he only had the right to assume the powers of the presidency long enough to call for a new election. Because the wording of the clause is so vague, it was impossible for either side to prove its point. Tyler ended up taking the Oath of Office and became President, setting a precedent that is followed to this day. Tyler's precedent made it possible for Vice Presidents
to ascend to the presidency (Gerald Ford
took office after the passage of the Twenty-fifth Amendment
John Tyler's precedent established that if the President's office becomes vacant due to death, resignation or disqualification, the Vice President becomes President. The Congress may provide for a
line of succession
beyond the Vice President. The Presidential Succession Act
establishes the order as: the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the President pro tempore
of the Senate and then the fifteen Cabinet Secretaries in order of that Department's establishment.
explicitly states that when the Presidency is vacant, then the Vice President becomes President. This provision applied at the time Gerald Ford
succeeded to the Presidency. In case of a Vice Presidential vacancy, the Amendment permits the President to appoint, with the approval of both Houses of Congress, a new Vice President. Furthermore, the Amendment provides that the President, or the Vice President and Cabinet, can declare the President unable to discharge his duties, in which case the Vice President becomes Acting President. If the declaration is done by the Vice President and Cabinet, the Amendment permits the President to take control back, unless the Vice President and Cabinet challenge the President and two-thirds of both Houses vote to sustain the findings of the Vice President and Cabinet. If the declaration is done by the President, he may take control back without risk of being overridden by the Congress.
The President's salary, currently $400,000 a year, must remain constant throughout the President's term. The President may not receive other compensation from either the federal or any state government.
According to the Joint Congressional Committee on Presidential Inaugurations,
added the words "So help me God" during his first inaugural,
though this has been disputed. There are no contemporaneous sources for this fact, and no eyewitness sources to Washington's first inaugural mention the phrase at all—including those that transcribed what he said for his oath.
Also, the President-elect's name is typically added after the "I", for example, "I, George Washington, do...." Normally, the
Chief Justice of the United States
administers the oath. It is sometimes asserted that the oath bestows upon the President the power to do whatever is necessary to "preserve, protect and defend the Constitution." Andrew Jackson
, while vetoing an Act for the renewal of the charter of the national bank, implied that the President could refuse to execute statutes that he felt were unconstitutional. In suspending the privilege of the
claimed that he acted according to the oath. His action was challenged in court and overturned by the U.S. Circuit Court in Maryland
(led by Chief Justice Roger B. Taney
Ex Parte Merryman
, 17 F. Cas. 144 (C.C.D. Md. 1861). Lincoln ignored Taney's order. Finally,
's counsel referred to the theory during his impeachment trial. Otherwise, few have seriously asserted that the oath augments the President's powers.
The Vice President also has an oath of office, but it is not mandated by the Constitution and is prescribed by statute. Currently, the
Vice Presidential oath
is the same as that for Members of Congress.
- I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help me God.
In the landmark decision
Nixon v. General Services Administration
, afterwards the
, declared in his dissent the need to "fully describe the preeminent position that the President of the United States occupies with respect to our Republic. Suffice it to say that the President is made the sole repository of the executive powers of the United States, and the powers entrusted to him as well as the duties imposed upon him are awesome indeed."
The Constitution vests the President with Executive Power. That power reaches its zenith when wielded to protect national security.
And federal courts in the United States must pay proper deference to the Executive in assessing the threats that face the nation.
The President is the military's commander-in-chief; however Article One
gives Congress and not the President the exclusive right to declare war
. Nevertheless, the power of the president to initiate hostilities has been subject to question. According to historian
, "Ever since the
, Article II, Section 2 [...] has been interpreted 'The president has the power to initiate hostilities without consulting Congress' [....]But what the framers actually meant by that clause was that once war has been declared, it was the President’s responsibility as commander-in-chief to direct the war. Alexander Hamilton spoke in such terms when he said that the president, although lacking the power to declare war, would have “the direction of war when authorized or begun.” The president acting alone was authorized only to repel sudden attacks (hence the decision to withhold from him only the power to “declare” war, not to “make” war, which was thought to be a necessary emergency power in case of foreign attack).
Since World War II
, every major military action has been technically a U.S. military operation or a U.N. "police action
", which are deemed legally legitimate by Congress, and various
United Nations Resolutions
because of decisions such as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
or the The Resolution of The Congress Providing Authorization for Use of Force In Iraq
The President may require the "principal officer" of any executive department to tender his advice in writing. Thus, implicitly, the Constitution creates a
that includes the principal officers of the various departments.
The President, furthermore, may grant
or reprieves, except in cases of impeachment. Originally, as ruled by the Supreme Court in United States v. Wilson
(1833), the pardon could be rejected by the convict. In Biddle v. Perovich
(1927), the Supreme Court reversed the doctrine, ruling that "[a] pardon in our days is not a private act of grace from an individual happening to possess power. It is a part of the Constitutional scheme. When granted it is the determination of the ultimate authority that the public welfare will be better served by inflicting less than what the judgment fixed."
The President exercises the powers in the Advice and Consent Clause with the
advice and consent
of the Senate.
The President may enter the United States into treaties, but they are not effective until ratified by a two-thirds vote in the Senate.
In Article II however, the Constitution is not very explicit about the termination of treaties. The first abrogation of a treaty occurred in 1798, when Congress passed a law terminating a 1778 Treaty of Alliance
In the nineteenth century, several Presidents terminated treaties after Congress passed resolutions requesting the same.
In 1854, however, President Franklin Pierce
terminated a treaty with Denmark
with the consent of the Senate alone. A Senate committee ruled that it was correct procedure for the President to terminate treaties after being authorized by the Senate alone, and not the entire Congress. President Pierce's successors, however, returned to the former procedure of obtaining authorization from both Houses. Some Presidents have claimed to themselves the exclusive power of terminating treaties. Abraham Lincoln
, for instance, terminated a treaty without prior Congressional authorization, but Congress retroactively approved his decision at a later point. The first unambiguous case of a President terminating a treaty without authorization, granted prior to or after the termination, occurred when
terminated a treaty with the Republic of China
For the first time, judicial determination was sought, but the effort proved futile: the Supreme Court could not find a majority agreeing on any particular principle, and therefore instructed the trial court to dismiss the case.
The President may also appoint judges, ambassadors, consuls, ministers and other officers with the advice and consent of the Senate. By law, however, Congress may allow the President, heads of executive departments, or the courts to appoint inferior officials.
The Senate has a long-standing practice of permitting motions to reconsider previous decisions. In 1931, the Senate granted advice and consent to the President on the appointment of a member of the Federal Power Commission. The officer in question was sworn in, but the Senate, under the guise of a motion to reconsider, rescinded the advice and consent. In the
writ of quo warranto
proceedings that followed, the Supreme Court ruled that the Senate was not permitted to rescind advice and consent after the officer had been installed.
After the Senate grants advice and consent, however, the President is under no compulsion to commission the officer. It has not been settled whether the President has the prerogative to withhold a commission after having signed it. This issue played a large part in the famous court case
Marbury v. Madison
At times the President has asserted the power to remove individuals from office. Congress has often explicitly limited the President's power to remove; during the
Era, Congress passed the Tenure of Office Act
, purportedly preventing Andrew Johnson from removing, without the advice and consent of the Senate, anyone appointed with the advice and consent of the Senate. President Johnson ignored the Act, and was later impeached and acquitted. The constitutionality of the Act was not immediately settled. In
Myers v. United States
(1926), the Supreme Court held that Congress could not limit the President's power to remove an executive officer (the Postmaster General), but in Humphrey's Executor v. United States
(1935) it upheld Congress's authority to restrict the President's power to remove officers of the Federal Trade Commission, an "administrative body [that] cannot in any proper sense be characterized as an arm or eye of the executive."
Congress may repeal the legislation that authorizes the appointment of an executive officer. But it "cannot reserve for itself the power of an officer charged with the execution of the laws except by impeachment."
Congress has from time to time changed the number of justices in the Supreme Court.
During recesses of the Senate, the President may appoint officers, but their commissions expire at the conclusion of the Senate's next session.
The President must give the Congress information on the "State of the Union
" "from time to time." This is called the State of the Union Clause.
Originally, Presidents personally delivered annual addresses to Congress. Thomas Jefferson
, who felt that the procedure resembled the
Speech from the Throne
delivered by British monarchs, chose instead to send written messages to Congress for reading by clerks. Jefferson's procedure was followed by future Presidents until Woodrow Wilson
reverted to the former procedure of personally addressing Congress, which has continued to this day .
Kesavan and Sidak explain the purpose of the State of the Union clause:
- "The State of the Union Clause imposes an executive duty on the President. That duty must be discharged periodically. The President's assessment of the State of the Union must be publicized to Congress, and thus to the nation. The publication of the President's assessment conveys information to Congress- information uniquely gleaned from the President's perspective in his various roles as Commander-in-Chief, chief law enforcer, negotiator with foreign powers, and the like-that shall aid the legislature in public deliberation on matters that may justify the enactment of legislation because of their national importance."
The president has the power and duty
to recommend, for the consideration of Congress, such measures which the president deems as "necessary and expedient". At his inauguration
declared in his Inaugural Address
: "By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient."" This is the Recommendation Clause.
Kesavan and Sidak explain the purpose of the Recommendation clause:
- "The Recommendation Clause also imposes an executive duty on the President. His recommendations respect the equal dignity of Congress and thus embody the anti-royalty sentiment that ignited the American Revolution and subsequently stripped the trappings of monarchy away from the new chief executive. Through his recommendations to Congress, the President speaks collectively for the People as they petition Government for a redress of grievances, and thus his recommendations embody popular sovereignty. The President tailors his recommendations so that their natural implication is the enactment of new legislation, rather than some other action that Congress might undertake. Finally, the President shall have executive discretion to recommend measures of his choosing."
Sidak explained that there is a connection between the Recommendation clause and the
of the first amendment: "Through his performance of the duty to recommend measures to Congress, the President functions as the agent of a diffuse electorate who seek the redress of grievances. To muzzle the President, therefore, is to diminish the effectiveness of this right expressly reserved to the people under the first amendment.":2119, note 7
Kesavan and Sidak also cited a Professor Bybee who stated in this context: "The Recommendation Clause empowers the President to represent the people before Congress, by recommending measures for the reform of government, for the general welfare, or for the redress of grievances. The Right of Petition Clause prevents Congress from abridging the right of the people to petition for a redress of grievances.":43
The Recommendation clause imposes a duty, but its performance rests solely with the President. Congress possesses no power to compel the President to recommend, as he alone is the "judge" of what is "necessary and expedient." Unlike the
Necessary and Proper Clause
of Article I, which limits Congress's discretion to carrying out only its delegated powers, the phrase "necessary and expedient" implies a wider range of discretion for the President. Because this is a political question, there has been little judicial involvement with the President's actions under the clause as long as Presidents have not tried to extend their legislative powers. In Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer
(1952), the Supreme Court noted that the Recommendations Clause serves as a reminder that the President cannot make law by himself: "The power to recommend legislation, granted to the President, serves only to emphasize that it is his function to recommend and that it is the function of the Congress to legislate."
The Court made a similar point in striking down the line-item veto
in Clinton v. City of New York
When President William Jefferson Clinton attempted to shield the records of the President's Task Force on Health Care Reform as essential to his functions under the Recommendations Clause, a federal circuit court rejected the argument and noted in Ass'n of American Physicians & Surgeons v. Clinton (1993): "[T]he Recommendation Clause is less an obligation than a right. The President has the undisputed authority to recommend legislation, but he need not exercise that authority with respect to any particular subject or, for that matter, any subject."
The President may call extraordinary sessions of one or both Houses of Congress. If the two Houses cannot agree on a date for adjournment, the President may adjourn both Houses to such a time as befits the circumstances. The last time this power was exercised was in 1948, when President
Harry S Truman
called a special session of Congress. That was the twenty-seventh time in American history that a president convened such a session.
The President receives all foreign Ambassadors. This clause of the Constitution has been interpreted to imply that the President can be granted broad power over all matters of foreign policy by Congress.
The President must "take care that the laws be faithfully executed."
This clause in the Constitution imposes a duty on the President to take due care while executing laws and is called the Take Care Clause
also known as the Faithful Execution Clause
or Faithfully Executed Clause
This clause is meant to ensure that a law is faithfully executed by the President,
even if he disagrees with the purpose of that law.
By virtue of his executive power, the President may execute the law and control the law execution of others. Under the Take Care Clause, however, the President must exercise his law-execution power to "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed."
Addressing the North Carolina ratifying convention
, William Maclaine declared that the Faithful Execution Clause was "one of the [Constitution's] best provisions."
If the President "takes care to see the laws faithfully executed, it will be more than is done in any government on the continent; for I will venture to say that our government, and those of the other states, are, with respect to the execution of the laws, in many respects mere ciphers."
President George Washington interpreted this clause as imposing on him a unique duty to ensure the execution of federal law. Discussing a tax rebellion
, Washington observed, "it is my duty to see the Laws executed: to permit them to be trampled upon with impunity would be repugnant to [that duty.]"
According to former
United States Assistant Attorney General
Walter E. Dellinger III
, the Supreme Court and the Attorneys General have long interpreted the Take Care Clause to mean that the President has no inherent constitutional authority to suspend the enforcement of the laws, particularly of statutes.
The Take Care Clause demands that the President obey the law, the Supreme Court said in Humphrey's Executor v. United States
, and repudiates any notion that he may dispense with the law's execution.
In Printz v. United States
521 U.S. 898
(1997), the Supreme Court explained how the President executes the law: "The Constitution does not leave to speculation who is to administer the laws enacted by Congress; the President, it says, "shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed," Art. II, §3, personally and through officers whom he appoints (save for such inferior officers as Congress may authorize to be appointed by the "Courts of Law" or by "the Heads of Departments" who with other presidential appointees), Art. II, §2."
The President may not prevent a member of the executive branch from performing a ministerial duty lawfully imposed upon him by Congress. (See
Marbury v. Madison
(1803); and Kendall v. United States ex rel. Stokes (1838)). Nor may the President take an action not authorized either by the Constitution or by a lawful statute. (See Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer
(1952)). Finally, the President may not refuse to enforce a constitutional law, or "cancel" certain appropriations, for that would amount to an extra-constitutional veto or suspension power.
The President, while having to enforce the law, also possesses wide discretion in deciding how and even when to enforce laws. He also has a range of interpretive discretion in deciding the meaning of laws he must execute. When an appropriation provides discretion, the President can gauge when and how appropriated moneys can be spent most efficiently.
Some Presidents have claimed the authority under this clause to impound money appropriated by Congress. President Jefferson, for example, delayed the expenditure of money appropriated for the purchase of gunboats for over a year. President
Franklin D. Roosevelt
and his successors sometimes refused outright to expend appropriated money.
The Supreme Court, however, has held that impoundments without Congressional authorization are unconstitutional.
It has been asserted that the President's responsibility in the "faithful" execution of the laws entitles him to suspend the privilege of the
habeas corpus
. Article One provides that the privilege may not be suspended save during times of rebellion or invasion, but it does not specify who may suspend the privilege. The Supreme Court ruled that Congress may suspend the privilege if it deems it necessary. During the
American Civil War
suspended the privilege, but, owing to the vehement opposition he faced, obtained congressional authorization for the same.
Since then, the privilege of the writ has only been suspended upon the express authorization of Congress.
Mississippi v. Johnson
(1867), the Supreme Court ruled that the judiciary may not restrain the President in the execution of laws. In that case the Supreme Court refused to entertain a request for an injunction preventing President Andrew Johnson from executing the Reconstruction Acts
, which were claimed to be unconstitutional. The Court found that "[t]he Congress is the legislative department of the government; the President is the executive department. Neither can be restrained in its action by the judicial department; though the acts of both, when performed, are, in proper cases, subject to its cognizance."
Thus, the courts cannot bar the passage of a law by Congress, though it may strike down such a law as unconstitutional. A similar construction applies to the executive branch.
The President commissions "all the Officers of the United States." These include officers in both military and foreign service. (Under Article I, Section 8, the States have authority for "the Appointment of the Officers . . . of the [State]
. . ..")
The presidential authority to commission officers had a large impact on the 1803 case
Marbury v. Madison
, where outgoing Federalist President
feverishly signed many commissions to the judiciary on his final day in office, hoping to, as incoming Democratic-Republican President Thomas Jefferson
put it, "[retire] into the judiciary as a stronghold." However, in his haste, Adams' Secretary of State neglected to have all the commissions delivered. Incoming President Jefferson was enraged with Adams, and ordered his Secretary of State
, to refrain from delivering the remaining commissions.
took the matter to the Supreme Court, where the famous Marbury
The Constitution also allows for involuntary removal from office. The President, Vice-President, Cabinet Secretaries, and other executive officers, as well as judges, may be impeached by the House of Representatives and tried in the Senate.
Any official convicted by impeachment is immediately removed from office. The Senate may also choose to bar the removed official from holding any federal office in the future.
No other punishments may be inflicted pursuant to the impeachment proceeding, but the convicted party remains liable to trial and punishment in the courts for civil and criminal charges.
The U.S. Constitution With Declaration of Independence, US Government Printing Office
"Joint Congressional Committee on Presidential Inaugurations". Retrieved
5 U.S.C. § 3331
Cf: Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579,637 (1952) (Jackson, J., concurring) ("When the President acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization from Congress," his actions are "supported by the strongest of presumptions and the widest latitude of judicial interpretation, and the burden of persuasion ... rest[s] heavily upon any who might attack it.").
Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723, 797 (2008) ("[M]ost federal judges [do not] begin the day with briefings that describe new and serious threats to our Nation and its people.").
(July 7, 2005) Presidential War Powers,
Woods, Thomas (2013).
"Presidential War Powers: The Constitutional Answer". Liberty Classrooom. Retrieved
Biddle, at 486
United States Senate.
United States Library of Congress
(February 15, 2011). "Primary Documents in American History Treaty of Alliance with France". loc.gov.
John H. Haswell,
University of Minnesota;
United States Department of State
(2010). Treaties and Conventions Concluded Between the United States of America Since July 4, 1776. google.books.com. pp. 1,232.
Goldwater v. Carter, 444
Bowsher v. Synar, 478
Vasan Kesavan and
J. Gregory Sidak
(2002). "The Legislator-In-Chief".
William and Mary Law Review
Sidak, Gregory (August 1989).
"The Recommendation Clause".
Georgetown Law Journal
(6): 2079–2135. Retrieved
"The Heritage Guide to the Constitution: Recommendations Clause". The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved
U.S. Senate Turnip Day Session
(January 5, 2011).
United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., 299
(1936), characterized the President as the "sole organ of the nation in its external relations," an interpretation criticized
by Louis Fisher of the Library of Congress.
"Article II, Section 3, U.S. Constitution".
law.cornell.edu. Legal Information Institute. 2012. Retrieved
"Take Care Clause Law & Legal Definition". USLegal.com. Retrieved
Take Care Clause.
"Take Care Clause".
The Heritage Guide to the Constitution.
The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved
Prepared by Devotion Garner. Updated by Cheryl Nyberg.
"Popular Names of Constitutional Provisions". Gallagher Library of the University of Washington School of Law. Retrieved
"Chapter 12-The Presidency Flashcards". Flashcard Machine. January 16, 2012. Retrieved
Walter E. Dellinger III (September 7, 1995).
"CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS ON FEDERAL GOVERNMENT PARTICIPATION IN BINDING ARBITRATION". United States Department of Justice. Retrieved
Kinkopf, Neil (September–October 2005).
"FURIOUS GEORGE - The belligerence of the Bush Administration in pursuing expansive power has a long Republican pedigree".
Legal Affairs - The magazine at the intersection of Law and Life. Retrieved
"Take Care Clause".
The Heritage Guide to the Constitution. The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved
Johnson, at 500
An example of this is
who was removed from a federal judgeship, but was not barred from serving in another federal office. He was later elected to, and currently serves in, the House of Representatives.
Cf. Ritter v. United States, 677 F.2d 957 (2d. Cir. 19)
84 Ct. Cl. 293, 300 (Ct. Cl. 1936) ("While the Senate in one sense acts as a court on the trial of an impeachment, it is essentially a political body and in its actions is influenced by the views of its members on the public welfare."); STAFF OF H. COMM. ON THE JUDICIARY, 93D CONG., CONSTITUTIONAL GROUNDS FOR PRESIDENTIAL IMPEACHMENT 24 (Comm. Print 1974) ("The purpose of impeachment is not personal punishment; its function is primarily to maintain constitutional government.") (citation omitted), reprinted in
3 LEWIS DESCHLER, DESCHLER'S PRECEDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, H.R. DOC. NO. 94‒661 ch. 14, app. at 2269 (1977).